As Serbia’s government falls, international media rediscover a Serb nationalist
Eric Witte March 8th, 2008
Serbia’s government fell today. This comes in the wake of Kosovo’s independence on February 17 and the subsequent burning of the unprotected US embassy, as well as mob attacks on the embassies and diplomatic missions of Slovenia, the UK, Germany, Croatia and Bosnia. It also comes amidst government incitement to intimidate civil society and pro-western liberals, and Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica’s effort to spurn Serbia’s path to EU integration absent a full reversal of EU members’ recognition of independent Kosovo. International media are struggling to understand the current crisis and how Serbia has come to the brink of another era of ultranationalist governance - this time under Kostunica, likely in alliance with the Radical Party.
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Vojislav Kostunica has not suddenly become a nationalist. Rather, the media - and most of the western diplomatic corps - are only now being forced to abandon their delusions that he was ever a “moderate”.
Before and since Kosovo’s independence on February 17, Kostunica has done his best to whip the masses into a nationalist frenzy with fiery rhetoric that would make Milosevic proud. But anyone caring to dig into the record would realize that during the 1990s Milosevic’s rhetoric and actions were not always enough to satisfy Kostunica’s nationalist fervor. Take for example, this interview from December 1994, during the war in Bosnia, when Kostunica was asked whether Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic had made any mistakes:
“I do not see anything which I would call a basic error…There was, truth to say, a mistake linked with the assessment that one could rely on the national positions and the national interests of the regime in Belgrade…and that the [Milosevic] regime was conducting a responsible national policy. He [Milosevic] is…a cynical, not a true, nationalist.” — Interview with NIN, December 2, 1994, cited in Norman Cigar, Vojislav Kostunica and Serbia’s Future, p. 17.
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In other words, Karadzic had not made a mistake in leading the ongoing siege of Sarajevo and wholesale ethnic cleansing of eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina, among a series of other atrocities; rather Kostunica thought his mistake had been to overestimate the (already substantial) support that the Bosnian Serbs could count on from Milosevic in carrying out these crimes. In this same interview, Kostunica summed up by saying, “[…]the requests by the leadership of the Republika Srpska at this stage are directed toward an objective which for us is legitimate and not debatable.”
Leaving no doubt of his support for the Greater Serbia project, or his criticism of Milosevic in working towards this goal, shortly after the slaughter at Srebrenica in 1995, Kostunica explained:
“[Milosevic and] the so-called opposition in Serbia [share a limited perspective] based on the old, never corroborated myth that Serbia across the Drina is up for dispute, [that it is] Greater Serbia, while Serbia up to the Drina, if possible reduced in the North and South in its head and legs, is the true, allowable, Serbia. Of course, ever since Yugoslavia has been in existence, Serbia has been a single indivisible space on both sides of the Drina, and the Serbs here and over there are a single and the same people. Notwithstanding what foreigners and domestic peaceniks have thought and said, peace can be established more quickly by accepting this natural fact than by rejecting it.” — Interview with NIN, July 28, 1995, cited in Norman Cigar, Vojislav Kostunica and Serbia’s Future, p. 20.
Kostunica’s disappointment in Milosevic extended to the latter’s support for the so-called Republika Sprska Krajina in Croatia, again because Kostunica felt Milosevic had failed to do enough to support the separatists working to implement the plan for a Greater Serbia in that part of the former Yugoslavia:
“[Milosevic is responsible for] the betrayal of the Republika Srpska Krajina…It is difficult to find an explanation for such a Pilate-like avoidance of moral and even legal obligations.” — Quoted in the periodical Argument, August 14, 1995, cited in Norman Cigar, Vojislav Kostunica and Serbia’s Future, p. 8.
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In 2000 the opposition coalesced around Kostunica because his nationalist credentials allowed for creation of a much broader anti-Milosevic coalition than had the liberal, pro-western opposition centered on Zoran Djindjic. The strategy worked. Kostunica and such other anti-Milosevic nationalist leaders as Velimir Ilic, then the mayor of Cacak and today Kostunica’s infrastructure minister, expanded the opposition movement to critical mass. Many (and perhaps most) of the Serbs who took to the streets of Belgrade in October 2000 did so not because Milosevic had started wars in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo, but rather because he had lost them.
October 5, 2000 was only a partial revolution. Milosevic was toppled, and that was important, but there was not yet a commitment to liberal democracy - and Kostunica’s commitment to chauvinist nationalism remained. But because Kostunica had been anti-Milosevic, and because the scenes in Belgrade recalled the democratic revolutions across Central and Eastern Europe at the end of the Cold War, the media and western diplomatic community assiduously embraced Kostunica as a moderate and a democrat, lumping him together with such true democrats as Zoran Djindjic.
During the 1990s, the western media often had described Kostunica as a “nationalist”. The Associated Press did so on August 10, 1995 when it quoted him as saying, “Milosevic has sold out the Serbs.” (Link unavailable.) That it is now rediscovering Kostunica’s nationalism is a sign that it has come full circle, while Kostunica has remained much the same.
