Pervez Musharraf finally resigns

Kurt Bassuener August 18th, 2008

After coming to power in late 1999 in a coup against the elected government of Pakistan, General-cum-President Pervez Musharraf resigned today under threat of impeachment by the elected coalition government.  It’s about time.

His speech was laden with self-justification, and while he said “it’s possible I might have committed mistakes,” but that everything he did was with “honesty and integrity,” and no mistakes were “intentional.”  He claimed “Pakistan is sliding down very fast” which made him “very sad,” and implored the government to think of popular concerns.

The fact Musharraf’s coup was welcomed by significant proportion of the Pakistani population at all was testimony to the poor service given citizens by a succession of alternating civilian and military governments since soon after the country became independent.  Pakistan’s feudal reality for many citizens was not eroded one iota under Musharraf’s reign, despite his claims to have been introducing democracy to Pakistan. His rule was an unalloyed exercise in self-indulgence and flagrant violations of democratic norms.

Yet he was aided and abetted in this by the U.S.  Early on, the Bush administration began to refer to him as “President Musharraf,” though he conferred the title upon himself.  Then, with the attacks on September 11th, 2001, Musharraf became a chief ally in the ill-conceived “war on terror,” and his domestic transgressions were overlooked.  The fact that Pakistan, particularly the Inter-Services Intelligence service (ISI) was a chief sponsor of the Taliban in Afghanistan, should not be overlooked.  It is likely that ISI, or elements thereof, continue to support the Taliban in Afghanistan and western Pakistan, as well as militants in Kashmir.  Yet US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice’s response to Musharraf’s resignation was a virtual “attaboy - we’ll miss you”:

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We strongly support the democratically elected civilian government in its desire to modernize Pakistan and build democratic institutions. The United States supported the transition to democratic government in Pakistan and respects the results of the election. We believe that respect for the democratic and constitutional processes in that country is fundamental to Pakistan’s future and its fight against terrorism.

President Musharraf has been a friend to the United States and one of the world’s most committed partners in the war against terrorism and extremism. President Musharraf made the critical choice to join the fight against al-Qaida, the Taliban, and other extremist groups that threaten the peace and security of Pakistan, its neighbors, and partners throughout the world. For this, he has our deep gratitude.

We will continue to work with the Pakistani government and political leaders and urge them to redouble their focus on Pakistan’s future and its most urgent needs, including stemming the growth of extremism, addressing food and energy shortages, and improving economic stability. The United States will help with these efforts to see Pakistan reach its goal of becoming a stable, prosperous, democratic, modern, Muslim nation.

In what amounts to DPC’s founding document/manifesto, “America should ditch its tyrant friends,” Eric Witte and Toby Vogel argued that Washington’s uncritical support of Musharraf ran counter to American interests, even in the “war on terror,” as Osama bin Laden became more popular from 2003 to 2005.  They continued:

This is only the latest sign that America’s partnership with Musharraf has failed to diminish extremism. The administration must continue to press for action against Al Qaeda, but also start supporting democratic rights. For a skeptical and radicalized Pakistani population, this could begin to establish a measure of U.S. credibility and encourage moderation…

Dictators such as Karimov, Mubarak and Musharraf are latter-day incarnations of Pinochet, Mobutu and the Shah of Iran: “allies” who have made the United States complicit in their despotism.

Political spin will never be able to convince the people of these countries otherwise - and in the age of terrorism, America cannot afford more disillusioned victims of “friendly” dictators.

Earlier this year, we noted the blowback from the Musharraf era on US Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte in the cool reception he got from the new democratic Pakistani government, having insisted on a meeting with party leader and power broker former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif when the new Prime Minister, Yousaf Raza Gillani was being inaugurated.  Pakistanis will not soon forget the blank check granted Musharraf by Washington.

Pakistan’s return to democratic rule remains fraught, from the legacy of interparty rivalry within the ruling coalition, a military that has often trumped civilian command, and a serious terrorist and militant problem.  The country will need support in this effort, not simply pressure on the “war on terror” angle, which remains a very burning issue with increasing NATO casualties in Afghanistan.  But the departure of Musharraf from the levers of any power in Pakistan is a welcome development.

Countering coups in the Sahel

Eric Witte August 8th, 2008

The international response to Wednesday’s military coup in Mauritania has been strong and swift. Impressively, on the part of the United States, the State Department announced yesterday that all non-humanitarian aid to Mauritania was being suspended immediately. Of some $23 million, around $15 million of the suspended funds consist of military-to-military assistance. This is particularly of note because one of the coup supporters’ complaints is that President Sidi Cheikh Ould Abdallahi had released Islamist prisoners against the army’s advice.  

Since September 2001, the U.S. has markedly increased military assistance to the countries of the Sahel as a part of the “global war on terror”, so one can imagine that with this particular complaint, the coup plotters might have enjoyed some sympathy within the Pentagon, or, say, the Office of the Vice President. It’s good news indeed that the administration instead chose to join the African Union, Arab League,* and European Union in condemnation of the coup. The immediate suspension of non-humanitarian aid and a multi-million dollar grant from the Millennium Challenge Corporation is even better.

However, the latest coup in Mauritania, after its first year ever of democratic governance, still raises serious questions about U.S. military aid in the region. Where democratic culture is barely established and elements of the parliamentary opposition so easily gravitate to backing for a putsch by disgruntled generals, does it make sense to be pouring major resources into strengthening militaries?

* Correction: To the contrary, the Arab League has embraced the junta.

More on Negroponte’s welcoming party…

Kurt Bassuener March 28th, 2008

Also in today’s New York Times is a Jane Perlez analytical piece assessing U.S. Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte’s trip to Pakistan in its totality.  It’s definitely worth reading to see how the Bush administration’s uncritical pro-Musharraf policy is coming back to bite.  Here’s one excellent exchange with a local think-tanker:

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Perhaps the most startling encounter for the 68-year-old career diplomat was the deliberately pointed question by Farrukh Saleem, executive director of the Center for Research and Security Studies, at the reception Wednesday evening.

“How is Pakistan different to Honduras?” Mr. Saleem asked, a query clearly intended to tweak Mr. Negroponte about his time as ambassador to Honduras in the 1980s, when he was in charge of the American effort to train and arm a guerrilla force aimed at overthrowing the leftist government in Nicaragua. He was later criticized for meddling in the region and overlooking human rights abuses in pursuit of United States foreign policy goals.

The diplomat demurred, according to Mr. Saleem, saying, “You have put me on the spot.”

Mr. Negroponte had no reply to his next question, either, Mr. Saleem said. “I asked him, ‘What do you know about our chief justice that we don’t know?’ ”

That question was meant to reflect, Mr. Saleem recounted afterward, that the Bush administration had refused to recognize the illegality of the firing of Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, and that many Pakistanis were angered that the United States had signaled it did not favor the reinstatement of Mr. Chaudhry who, it appeared, was too opposed to Mr. Musharraf for Washington’s taste.

Mr. Negroponte and the Bush administration were tone deaf, Mr. Saleem and others said, to the changes in Pakistan, though the message of the tune seemed inescapable.

And there’s more where that comes from, including a worthy exchange between Negroponte and the angry head of the Supreme Court Bar Association.  Definitely worth the read.

More brilliant American diplomacy

Kurt Bassuener March 28th, 2008

The Bush administration could probably write a primer on how to lose friends and alienate people in the Islamic world. To that we can add a chapter of “how to make newly inaugurated democrats look bad – and have it adversely affect your interests,” with a pushy maneuver that a leader of Pakistan’s new democratic coalition, former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, called “ham handed.” The New York Times’ Jane Perlez gave an excellent account on Wednesday, and the Times editorializes on it today.

Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte insisted

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on meeting Nawaz Sharif while Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani was being inaugurated, despite being told that the day was an inopportune time for the U.S. to meet the government. Apparently, Negroponte’s schedule was so fixed that he couldn’t work around the government’s formation. The Pakistani press roundly pilloried the American move: one headline read “Hands Off Please, Uncle Sam,” and another journalist noted that “Here are the Americans…trying to dictate terms.”

But Negroponte and Assistant Secretary for South Asia Affairs Richard Boucher got a cool reception from Nawaz, who refused to give them “a commitment” on fighting terrorism, and questioned American methods that, in his view, had turned Pakistan into a “killing field”.

Naturally, the two also met with Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf, who has had the backing of the Bush administration since soon after September 11. The Bush administration was widely seen as having worked to engineer a rapprochement between Musharraf and the late Benazir Bhutto to give his government a more democratic veneer, at the expense of a truly democratic electoral test. When that electoral test came in the wake of Bhutto’s assassination, it swept Musharraf’s “king’s party” from power and brought secular-minded voters out in force.  Now Bhutto’s widower and her former rival Nawaz Sharif have forged a democratic coalition under the leadership of the well-regarded Gillani, who was jailed by Musharraf. He is already reversing some of the blatant abuses of the Musharraf era, such as the imprisonment of Chief Judge Iftikhar Chaudhry and nine of his colleagues. The parliament has a female speaker, Ms. Fahmida Mirza of Bhutto’s PPP.

All these developments are good news for Pakistan and are cause for celebration. But the Bush administration’s backing of Musharraf is not forgotten in Pakistan. One former member of Musharraf’s cabinet is quoted by Perlez “The people have spoken and rejected the religious parties, and at the same time they have rejected the people who will automatically nod to the United States.” Nawaz said the timing of the U.S. visit might be seen as Washington’s aim to remain “the political godfather behind Musharraf.” If American leverage is reduced with Islamabad on serious issues like the fight with Al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan, Washington only has itself to blame.